In the GCC region there is an increase interest to identify guideline and design tools for neighborhoods to promote a more sustainable built environment in the region. the town was organized into compact residential quarters or "Fareej", structured along tribal and ethnic affinities each containing local mosques, small retail areas and accessed through narrow shaded lanes. perhaps the most obvious characteristics of the town was its fine grain of one and two story buildings and the noticeable absence of open public space , especially no green public space . the locus of space was be found in the inner courtyards of private dwellings.the research in the context of Doha , Qatar First section , the development of the urban settlement in relation to Laws and dission making process . it presents a historical overview of the urban evolution of the neighborhoods as an atom of the city system in Doha and the start formation of its ferjan or early neighborhoods . also providing a detailed analysis to the spatial characteristics of the fareej. Discussion of the present urban conditions of the neighborhoods is attempted to emphasize the research problem where the spatial characteristics do not reflect socio-cultural aspects .
Introduction:
there is a increase interest in studying socio-cultural aspects affect in neighborhood design especially in the GCC region. hence, the GCC region has a unique socio-cultural component that is essential when addressing neighborhood design. therefore , it is curatorial to involve residence experience and subjective well being as indicators to guide neighborhood development. In the literature there is a lot of studies that highlight that traditional neighborhood can provide a set of guidelines that are most suitable for the GCC context when compared to the western approach of neighborhood design \cite{Fatani_2017}. the application of the western neighborhood design guidlines is considered the reason for the failure of contemporary neighborhoods \cite{Fatani_2017}.
According to Adham (2008), Al-Bidaa was developed from eight urban settlements along the sea shore responding to the need for land distribution among tribes and the allocation of water sources. This is considered the first phase of neighborhood development in Doha, which is called fereej (plural: ferjan) in the local language (Jaidah and Bourennane, 2009). Later, after World War I, Al-Bidaa was renamed Doha and announced as the capital city of the state of Qatar shortly after independence through an agreement between Sheikh Mohamed Bin Thani, the ruler, and the British generals at that time (Wiedmann et. al., 2012). During the second half of the twentieth century, Doha underwent a great wave of urbanization that resulted from the economic flourishing of oil discovery (Elsheshtawy, 2011). In 1974, the first master plan of Doha was developed by foreign urban planners who transformed its dense, organic urban fabric into a ring-planned pattern (Salama and Wiedmann, 2012). Doha was developed into several zones that are defined by a network of linear roads and ring roads (Figure XX). According to Lockerbie (2016), the physical planning of Doha was based on the traditional system of majlis al-shura (consultative council) in which western-style ministries were established to control the urban development of the city. The planning process of Doha was the province of the Ministry of Public Works at that time (Lockerbie, 2016). In light of this, the morphological formation of Doha can be envisaged as follows: street network, zones, and neighborhoods. According to Qatar Atlas (2010), the municipality of Doha has 58 zones. Each zone has a number of neighborhoods that are not solidly defined in the administrative setup of Doha (Qatar Atlas, 2010).
Historical Overview
The city of Doha was formed during the eighteenth century under the name of Al-Bidaa, when the Al-Thani tribe moved from central Arabia to settle on the eastern coast of Qatar peninsula in 1847 (Elsheshtawy, 2011). They founded the first urban settlement along the sea shore at the location of an old fishing village (Adham, 2008). According to Wiedmann et. al. (2012), the choice of location was based on the privileged shape of the sea shore, which was believed to protect the settlement from sea attacks. Also it is noted that the presence of the water source of Wadi Musherieb (Musherieb Valley) has helped Doha’s center to evolve linearly along the Wadi, being based mainly on trading activities (Qawasmeh, 2013) (Figure XX). This has resulted in the development of Souq Waqif(market), which is considered today as a historical value to Qatar’s heritage (Jaidah and Bourennane, 2009). During the first decades of the twentieth century, Al-Bidaa witnessed a notable increase in the number of its population due to the flourishing pearl trade at that time. Before oil discovery in 1939, Doha was a fishing village where houses were built based on the inherited knowledge of the local population using local building materials (Wiedmann et. al., 2014). Houses of one family were grouped together forming residential neighborhoods. In these neighborhoods, houses were built in close proximity to each other, usually wall on wall, due to their strong social affiliation (Wiedmann et. al., 2012). Housing agglomerations were created organically around Wadi Musherieb and the Souq Waqif area. During the first half of the twentieth century, the population of Doha consisted mainly of Al-Thani tribe in addition to groups of Persian immigrants, who were mainly engaged in boat construction and pearl trading. As pointed out by Adham (2008), each social group was segregated in specific areas in which the harbor, souq, and mosque used to be the main gathering places of all Doha’s population. These were the main urban elements that neighborhoods (ferjan) in Doha developed around. Namely, it can be comprehended from the review that neighborhoods in Doha have developed essentially from the agglomeration of housing units around core areas including the mosque and the souq (Jaidah and Bourennane, 2009). That said, commercial and socio-religious traditions have controlled the development of the physical environment of Doha giving it a unique urban character (Eissa et. al., 2015). Unlike the case of other cities all over the world, the development of Doha’s neighborhoods during the oil urbanization stage was a direct reflection of rigid public control and planning based on imported urban development concepts from the West (Wiedmann et. al., 2014).
Doha planning
Planning, as a Western concept relating to national or strategic physical planning, began in Qatar at the beginning of the nineteen seventies. Following discussions between the British Embassy and representatives of the State, the planning company of Llewelyn-Davies, Weeks, Forestier-Walker and Bor was invited to send a team to begin the process of developing a plan for the State. The plan was intended to be strategic and produce goals, objectives and standards that would enable the State to move forward within a sensible and sensitive framework for decision making. Effectively, there had been physical planning of a sort, but it was directed and carried out from the Ministry of Public Works, its planning being based upon rationalising a road structure – together with drainage and sewerage – that would facilitate the development of the country along the perceived needs of the nineteen-sixties. The Ministry of Electricity and Water were planning in a similar way, with a degree of coordination between them and the Ministry of Public Works, but one that was difficult to integrate fully due to the lack of an overall plan as well as the different strategies employed by the different ministries. But the Ministry of Municipal Affairs, who were responsible for building regulations, wished to enlarge the scope of their interests to encompass planning throughout the country, and this they did with the introduction of the Llewelyn-Davies consultancy. Planning intent for developing the New District of Doha had been established by 1975 under the aegis of the Diwan al-Amiri and a Structure Plan published in 1977. But, with the progress of works on site and increasing revenue to the State from its oil and gas resources, it was envisaged that the NDOD would need to increase in area if it were to be able to contain a percentage of the increasing population foreseen, particularly nationals. While not replicating the old feriq system, it was understood to be an opportunity for bringing nationals together within a planned system enabling or at least providing a capability for the retention or development of their traditional socio-cultural characteristics. The strategies of diversification of the country’s economic base and the improvement to living and working conditions were generating increasing activity, resulting in rapid population growth particularly, and obviously, by the expatriates introduced to the peninsula. It was also a fact that major investments had been made in site preparation, infrastructure development and the initial building projects in Greater Doha where, it being believed, that the majority – between 80% and 90% – of the population expansion would need to be located. As a result of these strategies the development for the NDOD was moved forward and planning for the area updated. The Structure Plan shown here was published in September 1981 and illustrates how the planning had developed in the six years since the first plan for the area had been produced. Although in this plan it appears that the NDOD was considered without regard to the rest of Doha, the interface with Doha was, in fact, studied and the road connections and land uses carefully integrated. Particular thought was given to the contours at the south-western interface between the existing town and the NDOD. Development can be seen to move north as far as Qatar University, but a deliberate policy to retain its physical separation was effected by the introduction of a large landscaped park to its south and east. Development to the west was constrained by Medinat Khalifa and, as had been the case with the original plan, the conurbation of al-Markhiya was retained with its existing character.
Doha current Urban Development
In the present time, Doha is being restructured from internally-integrated wholes to a collection of units which operate as nodes on regional economic networks (Elsheshtawy, 2011). Doha’s traditional core (the downtown area) is being blended into a network of centers forming a multi-tier system with complex relationships that keeps the city from disintegrating (Wiedmann et. al., 2014). It is noted that forces of globalization have major impacts on Doha’s urban environment, affecting both the socio-cultural and physical aspects of the city (Furlan, 2016). With the emergence of a global culture, the neighbourhood physical experiences and feelings within the urban environment in Doha are being radically altered (Elsheshtawy, 2011). This is also affecting the social construction of local identities in Doha which poses a challenge to the general quality of neighborhoods . Therefore, it was suggested that aspects of urban quality in neighbourhood could be assessed and fostered in order to guarantee a well-functioning neighbourhood structure , leading to a high quality of urban life.[es1] Doha is developed into several fragmented “state of the art” mega projects and ongoing developing infrastructure network (Rizzo, 2014) (fig-XX). However, fragmentation has led to several negative Impacts as increased trip generation, traffic congestions, carbon emissions, air pollution levels. The development strategy is focusing on the project qualities as in the building unit more that the urban setting. (Salama and Wiedmann, 2013). This segregation led to a fragmented urban structure in the city. The rapid growth of the Doha is raising the issue of the level of urban sustainability in of the current neighbourhood development, which has generated this research focus. Doha as an emerging city with its ambitious vision of Qatar 2030 can harness its growth to model sustainability and resiliency not only at the building scale but also an urban scale.
Doha Neighbourhood unit
Doha’s recent rapid evolution lacks the unity and social capital provided by the traditional urban neighbourhood (Fareej)(Jaidah and Bourennane, 2009).. the current neighbourhood realization process is established with real estate policy and profit based mechanism . there is lack of urban code and available regulations are regulating urban projects as mega project lacking over all city urban strategy. As pointed out by Wiedmann et. al. (2012[es3] ), the existing neighborhoods of Doha are nothing but a “monotonous suburban residential areas that are characterized by gated houses and streets, resulting in a severe lack of a sense of community and the deserted urban environment”. The neighborhood transformation can be divided into three phases .
Fareej
Phase 1 :Organic neighborhood (Fareej) (original Doha) This phase was the starting point of the settlement .Jaidah (2009) within the book of the Qatari architecture history emphasizes that the locality was founded on the "agglomeration" of the accommodation unit (courtyard house) forming the Fareej, not just a physical city unit but as well as socio‐cultural component. Clustered family Realm, the fereej, has beautiful and generous‐sized residences that have accessibility to the entire services and facilities. The objective is to reinstate a sense of society, enhance the surroundings and improve the economy through developing a secure, well‐served and flourishing center with shops, schools, small industries, mosques, health services, and community spaces, all in a simple walking distance of the place persons exist. The fareej as a settlement unit is considered a complex system with different spatial, cultural, social and economic layers. The basic unit of this system is considered the courtyard houses with it complex system serving the environmental, spatial and social aspects. Which will be futher studied in this paper.
Compound
Phase 2: public housing (modernizing Doha)Instead of acknowledging the conventional way, Doha swiftly rising suburbs appear to be molded on western suburban types. These residences are set within a section, not different from that of an American urban – even the range is comparable (even though the lots appear to be lesser). similar‐ scale contrast of the design of this section with the conventional plan ofDoha and an American town. The new expansion shows several of the features of the American suburban form, as well as sole family lots and a region subsequent to the thoroughfare kept for commercial utilize. It is situated from the key thoroughfare north of the circumferential street and is projected for affluent families having cars.
Mega project
Phase 3: Mega project phase The office structures that are single foot printed make up the latest expansion in the surrounding of the West Bay. The offices are arranged in scenery of a single‐use office park in memory of the single‐ housing section of the America. There exists a new form that occurs in the urban regions within the existing developed areas. After the real estate law in 2004 hotels and huge apartments were realized to have substituted small scale homes. Several important buildings are already found intruding within places like the suitably‐scaled environments. In Mishareb district, within just a night, there lots of close vintage urban buildings that have been market by a certain local developer with an intention of introducing the latest inner city growth.
Fareej "Traditional neighborhood"
Fareej Style
Doha dowtown
fascinating effort to create an experimental community called "heart of Doha" or Musheireb doha city which is meant to represent the best of sustainable living in the region has to offer. considered as an urban regeneration project the fact that older urban fabric has tottally torn up has raised eyebrows in some sustainability circles, for even if new residences or shops are built to replace the old ones, they will neither have the same feel nor exactly the same!socio-economic clientele. But as the project is to renew the downtown area and attract locals!as!well!as!expatriates,some population displacement was inevitable. It!also speaks to what we mean by the past. We were told that every existing building on the site has been documented before it was demolished so that there will be a historical record of what used to be there and the people who once lived at the site will be given priority among the locals invited to return and live in the new development. Heart of Doha is not being developed as an investment per (and therefore not driven purely by profit) but as a model for urban living. Its principle stakeholder is the Qatar Foundation, chaired by HH!Sheikha Mozah. It’s not an economical development according to conventional notions, but it is hoped that people will see it as a long-term investment. In that way, perhaps, it will be immune to profit-driven development that has plagued the Gulf. It is envisioned as a mix-use neighborhood in order to overcome the problems of single-use areas adumbrated above. The urban fabric will be fairly dense to maximize shade, with buildings oriented to the direction of the sun and wind to minimize heat and glare and maximize air circulation. Building heights will be kept to five or six stories, the few exceptions being on the northeastern periphery and away from the corniche (so as not to obstruct the view of the sea), thus keeping the scale relatively small and intimate. The approach was described as “medium development rather than mega-development.” Many of the buildings will have interior courtyards for privacy. There will be a mix of apartments and luxury townhouses, the latter constructed with proper Majlis and separate men and women entrances from the street.
Neighborhood in Abu Dhabi
The Abu Dhabi Plan 2030 adopted some type of ‘Traditional Neighborhood Development’ planning trend by calling for the return of the courtyard house design and the Fareej (the traditional neighborhood in UAE) (ADUPC 2010). The design should also achieve higher densities in and around the central area of the neighborhood and adjacent to the higher amenity areas such as public parks. the ADUPC is the central authority that is responsible for putting regulations/guidelines for all new urban development projects within Emirate of Abu Dhabi. Besides ADUPC, there are other authorities which issued the form-related regulations and guidelines such as ADM and Department of Transport (DoT). The Urban Structure Framework Plan is a conceptual document that displays different urban development themes and directions related to Abu Dhabi Vision 2030. It steers the urban development of Abu Dhabi towards various concepts including sustainability, excellence, livability and connectivity (ADUPC, 2007). The Unified Executive Regulations for Law No. (4) 1983 for Organizing the Construction Work in Emirate of Abu Dhabi include the administrative, architectural and technical regulations and standards. Neighborhood Planning (NP) was developed by ADUPC putting up a depiction for a traditional neighborhood design represented in fareej (ADUPC-2, 2010). Basically, a block is the smallest area of a neighborhood that is surrounded by streets (ADUPC-1, 2012). Plan Abu Dhabi 2030 puts forward a vision for the Emirati neighborhood which is formed by several residential blocks named as fareej. The proposed dimension of each block is 240 m x 240 m. Accordingly, Neighborhood Planning introduces a typical Emirati neighborhood that comprises of fareej (residential block), courtyard houses, baraha and sikka (ADUPC, 2007; ADUPC-2, 2010) (Table 1). The main elements in a neighborhood (Source: ADUPC-2, 2010).The adoption of sikka is considered an effective strategy for increasing walkability and street connectivity in which they provide direct access for all residents to different community facilities including transit stops, retail centers, mosques and schools (ADUPC-1, 2012). Practically, the fareej style was adopted in designing some of the Emirati housing developments in Abu Dhabi including Yas Island (phase 1). (ADUPC, 2011; ADUPC-2, 2010).
Conclusion:
Principles and dimensions of the built environment
1. Physical environment dimensions The sequence of spaces, mosque, souq. Palace and private home. The city of the past was built within a scope of very simple principles that are required to understand the gradual transformation of the urban pattern. This urban pattern objective is social integration and provision of residence needs.
2. Social and economic values
Factors that affected neighborhood development
1. Individual houses (buildings) form typology
2. The construction manner
3. Climate adaptation
4. Material and resources
5. Socio-cultural privacy levels
6. Community integration
The growth of the collective form of housing arise from the extension and subdivision of inherited properties which creates an intensification of land-use.(Mortada,2003 ; Al Rostomani ,1993). Major forces in shaping urban centers and residential quarters are natural environment and urban environment. The urban function were mixed use driven by social integration (Mortada,2003). The social mix was a major intensive of urban development where all individuals were allowed to use public spacaes. Qatari cities were formed not only by urban and architecture planning but also, by the social dimensions. Al- Rostamani(1993) states that Doha consists of nine neighborhoods (ferjan). Integration between public and private realms.
Rethinking Doha urbanism Generating sustainable form-based urban design strategies for an integrated neighborhood development. Retrofitting existing neighborhoods to emphasize sustainability. Which form-based urban design strategies deliver social, environmental and economic coherence in Doha neighborhood. Urban retrofitting has emerged as a crucial factor for bringing about a radical change, an accepted and consolidated methodology for refurbishing the existing building stock is still lacking. In addition an operational methodology for the optimization of the retrofitting process is needed.